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We are all prisoners of knowledge. To know how Cyprus was betrayed, and to have studied the record of that betrayal, is to make oneself unhappy and to spoil, perhaps for ever, one's pleasure for visiting one of the word's most enchanting islands. Nothing will ever restore the looted treasures, the bereaved families, the plundered villages and the groves and hillsides scalded with napalm. Nor will anything mitigate the record of the callous and crude politicians who regarded Cyprus as something on which to scribble their inane and conceited designs. But fatalism would be the worst betrayal of all. The acceptance, the legitimization of what was done - those things must be repudiated. Such a refusal has a value beyond Cyprus in showing that acquiescence in injustice is not 'realism'. Once the injustice has been set down and described, and called by its right name, acquiescence in it becomes impossible. That is why one writes about Cyprus in sorrow but more - much more - in anger."
Christopher Hitchens, "Hostage in History: Cyprus", Washington, May 1997.
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Kissinger and Cyprus
http://rieas.gr/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=340&Itemid=66
Regarding Kissinger and Cyprus, one does not need classified documents to indict Kissinger for his role in encouraging the coup against Makarios and the invasion of Cyprus by Turkey.
The public record is clear enough. Tom Boyatt, the Cyprus desk officer in 1974 has stated publicly that he sent memoranda in the first half of 1974 to his superiors warning of the Greek junta’s potential action against Makarios. His efforts were stymied by the front office until it was too late.
After the coup of July 15, 1974 Kissinger’s actions prove his complicity in the coup and invasion. First, he refused to denounce the coup while all others, Britain and most of the world’s democracies denounced the Greek junta’s coup. If Kissinger had denounced the coup, the Greek junta would have fallen and the crisis ended. But Kissinger wanted to oust Makarios!
Second, Kissinger directed the U.S. ambassador to the UN to postpone the Monday night July 15, 1974 emergency UN Security Council session on Cyprus, to Friday, July 19, 1974, which gave Turkey time to prepare to invade Cyprus.
Third, he actually leaked to the New York Times on Wednesday July 17, 1974, that the State Department was leaning towards Sampson, whom the coup leaders installed as President of Cyprus. This gave Turkey an excuse as they strongly opposed Sampson.
Kissinger bears the prime responsibility for the 1974 tragedy of Cyprus including all the deaths, rapes, destruction and looting involved. The U.S. has a moral responsibility to redress the situation. The U.S. should also redress the situation because a unified Cyprus with a constitution based on majority rule, the rule of law and protection of minority rights, as called for by President George W. H. Bush in 1988, is in the strategic interests of the U.S.
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CIA Document Dump Just Confirms Kissinger's Dark Rep
http://www.opednews.com/articles/opedne_wayne_ma_070628_cia_document_dump_ju.htm
by Wayne Madsen Page 1 of 1 page(s) http://www.opednews.com
The recent release by the CIA of documents concerning the agency's illegal surveillance of Americans and involvement in the assassinations of Ngo Dinh Diem of South Vietnam, Rafael Trujillo of the Dominican Republic, Salvador Allende of Chile, and Patrice Lumumba of Congo, as well as assassinations plots against Fidel Castro, prove what authors and scholars have already concluded about the agency. Most noteworthy is the involvement of Henry Kissinger in giving the green light to Turkey's invasion of Cyprus.
The links between Kissinger and Turkey formed a long lasting relationship between Kissinger and the Israeli Lobby in the United States, particularly the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and the Turks, particularly the links between AIPAC and the American Turkish Council and individuals like Richard Perle, Marc Grossman, and Douglas Feith. That relationship was exposed with revelations stemming from information divulged as a result of the FBI's firing of Turkish translator Sibel Edmonds and the concentration of the Brewster Jennings & Associates CIA front company on weapons of mass destruction and the Turkish nexus to nuclear materials trafficking from the former Soviet Central Asian states.
When Turkey invaded Cyprus in 1974, Kissinger was only concerned about the continued operation of U.S. intelligence bases in Turkey and three in the Turkish zone of Cyprus: Yerolakkos, Mia Milea, and Karavas. Eventually, these listening stations were evacuated in 1975 by CIA agents and U.S. Marines.
Although Barbara Bush blamed CIA whistleblower Phil Agee for divulging the identity of Athens CIA station chief Richard Welch and blamed him for Welch's assassination by left-wing terrorists in 1975, the confirmation of Kissinger's support for the invasion of Cyprus is what triggered a wave of anti-American terrorist activity in Greece in the mid-1970s and well into the 1980s. It is Kissinger who is ultimately to blame for anti-American violence in Greece, both for his support of the Greek junta and his support for the Turkish invasion of Cyprus.
We can also now add Cypriot President Archbishop Makarios to the long list of foreign leaders targeted for assassination by the CIA and Kissinger. From the book "The Cyprus Conspiracy" by Brendan O'Malley and Ian Craig, we know that on July 15, 1974, Makarios' presidential palace in Nicosia was hit with artilley fire from tanks while Makarios was greeting a group of young schoolchildren from Cairo. Makarios' presidential guard fought the coup plotters off for several hours until the rebellious troops stormed the building and set fire to it. The CIA saw to it that Cyprus Radio broadcast the news that Makarios was dead. It was a replay of Santiago, Chile and the anti-Allende coup the year before. Both events had Kissinger's sordid fingerprints on them. Although Kissinger denied it (he has denied almost everything that shows him to be an arch war criminal), it was widely known that he believed Makarios to be the "Castro of the Mediterranean."
Eventually, the right-wing junta that replaced Makarios collapsed along with the Greek military junta in Athens. Makarios, who continued to enjoy international recognition as President of Cyprus while in exile in London, returned to Cyprus to resume his presidency. Makarios died suddenly from a heart attack in 1977, just shy of his 64th birthday.
On March 8, 1970, Makarios' helicopter was was hit with bullets in an assassination attempt also linked to the CIA and the Greek Colonels junta in Athens. Kissinger, at the time, served as Nixon's National Security Adviser.
And in a precursor to the neo-con purge that would drive out many experienced military, intelligence, and foreign service officers who opposed the Iraq war, Kissinger ensured that those within the State Department who opposed Turkey's invasion of Cyprus were removed. They included the U.S. ambassador to Greece Henry Tasca, Cyprus Desk chief Tom Boyatt, and Greek desk chief George Churchill.
The newly-released CIA documents also show that Kissinger was furious at CIA director William Colby for divulging past CIA dirty tricks in the wake of Watergate. Kissinger said he was afraid that he could be blackmailed by the revelations about CIA misdeeds, much of which have come to light as a result of the recent CIA disclosures. Gerald Ford fired Colby and replaced him with George H. W. Bush.
Colby died in a suspicious boating accident in the Cheaspeake Bay in 1996. The CIA documents also reveal that former CIA director Richard Helms warned Kissinger that Colby's disclosures were the "tip of the iceberg" and that much more damaging information might follow. Richard Nixon is quoted in the Watergate tapes referring to Watergate CIA burglars E. Howard Hunt and James McCord's demand for money for his silence as threatening to blow open the "Cuba thing."
It is interesting to compare what Nixon said to Helms' statement:
Nixon to Haldeman on June 23, 1972: "Of course, this is a, this is a Hunt, you will-that will uncover a lot of things. You open that scab there's a hell of a lot of things and that we just feel that it would be very detrimental to have this thing go any further. This involves these Cubans, Hunt, and a lot of hanky-panky that we have nothing to do with ourselves."
Kissinger to President Gerald Ford on Jan. 4, 1975: "Helms said all these stories are just the tip of the iceberg. If they come out, blood will flow."
Nixon's and Helms' comments are now viewed by some historians of CIA operations as referring to the CIA's most probable despicable act: involvement by some of its assets in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. The released documents cite links between the CIA and right-wing Cuban exiles involved in plotting the assassination of Castro, Mafia chieftain Johnny Roselli (who was linked to Lee Harvey Oswald assassin Jack Ruby as well as to Mafia dons Salvatore "Sam" Giancana and Sabtos Trafficante), and Howard Hughes' top assistant Robert Maheu, a former FBI agent, who acted as a liaison between Langley and the mob.
The recently-released and heavily-redacted CIA documents, called the "Family Jewels," provide a great deal of confirmation of events already widely known to the public but they pale in comparison to the shocking revelations by Colby to the 1970s Frank Church and Otis Pike Committees and the Vice President Nelson Rockefeller Commission, all of which investigated abuses by the U.S. intelligence community.
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http://www.greece.org/cyprus/Treason3.htm
Evidence has emerged that British undercover forces were involved in fomenting the conflict between Greek and Turkish Cypriots ten years before the 1974 partition of Cyprus.
The new evidence found by BBC Radio 4's programme Document centres on the mystery of Ted Macey, a British army major who was abducted, presumed killed by Greek Cypriot paramilitaries.
I had no strong expectation that we would find the Turkish Cypriot village. We had a 40-year-old British army map, bearing only the old Greek names. Our guide, Martin Packard, had not been here for decades. The countryside was deserted, no one spoke English, and night had fallen.
In 1964, Martin was a naval intelligence officer, sent to Cyprus to do an extraordinary job. Fighting had broken out in the capital, Nicosia, between Greeks and Turks.
Unrest spread, and the British troops in Cyprus stepped in to keep the peace. But the British General, Peter Young, thought that peace meant more than keeping the two sides apart. He believed the communities could live side by side, sometimes in mixed villages, as they had for centuries.
But that meant small disputes had to be prevented from turning into big ones. Gen Young appointed Martin, a fluent Greek speaker, as a roving trouble-shooter and negotiator. With two officers from the mainland Greek and Turkish armies, he roamed the north of Cyprus by helicopter, settling disputes. ...........................
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Listening bases
Could it be true? I spoke to a former Para who accompanied Major Macey on expeditions to Turkish Cypriot villages. There, says the Para, he demonstrated the use of British ammunition and sub-machine guns to the Turkish Cypriot irregular forces.
I also tracked down one of Major Macey's former drivers, who showed me a curious note, in the major's handwriting. It is a list of arms and explosives being stored in civilian premises in Nicosia: arms, says the driver, which Major Macey had supplied, under British orders, to the Turkish fighters.
So did the peacekeeping forces, and the big powers, really want Cyprus to remain an independent, unitary state? Or was it more important to head off the threat of a "Mediterranean Cuba" by keeping the island within Turkey's - and hence Nato's - sphere of influence?
Britain had, and has, electronic listening bases on the island - important parts of the Nato intelligence effort.
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